The following appeared in Volume 98, Number 1 (Fall, 1998) of the APA Newsletters

Let’s face it. Race matters. It is almost always a factor when people who are "different" are involved in any type of interaction. I have believed and experienced that for years. Many have tried to convince me over the past few years that things are different now. In some ways, they are, but in general I think very little has actually changed during my lifetime, at least not in ways that really count. That is a sad reality that has been demonstrated vividly in the media over the last month or so. I am painfully aware that it has often been a factor when evaluations are made of my work and of my worth. I think it is also painful for a lot of mainstream people to accept the pervasiveness of racism in our society. At the risk of making some readers uncomfortable, I feel very strongly that I must address the race issue as it relates to student evaluations of my teaching effectiveness. Although my colleagues and former students consider my teaching to be outstanding, that would not appear to be evident if you look at the composite rating I have received here at Appalachian State University. The purpose of this paper is to address the mediocre evaluations and suggest that there are reasons other than my performance that have resulted in those ratings.

We Americans have not handled our racial differences well. In view of the changing demographics of our society, we must now deal with issues of diversity. We can not close our eyes and pretend problems do not exist. Covert racism is the most pervasive form of racism in higher education. Where ‘covert’ denotes a form of racism that originates from the spirit of "standard racism," but gets transformed so as to manifest itself as non-racist. Because of its elusive nature, however, it is often ignored by those who have never experienced it and denied by those who contribute to it. As Ellis (1994) concluded, the challenge to Americans today is to recognize the differences among us and to determine how to manage these differences in a way that will effectively yield productivity. Perhaps no where is it more important for us to do that than in academia. According to the Chronicle of Higher Education (August 4, 1995), the Prejudice Institute of the Center for the Applied Study of Ethnoviolence has found that group conflict attributable to growing diversity on college campuses is on the rise. Several other studies support that finding ( Allen & Niss, 1990; Daufin, 1995; de la Luz Reyes & Halcon, 1988; De Veaux, 1995; Elfin & Burke, 1993; Levine & McDevitt). Unfortunately, this sad situation must be addressed as we consider student evaluations of faculty of color. That is especially true when we analyze the impact that the ratings of a few racist students in a class may have on the overall ratings for that class. When a professor of color enters a classroom he/she faces expectations of performance based on stereotypical beliefs held by the students in that class. The professor is often considered to be incompetent until proven otherwise.

1990 survey conducted by the University of Chicago National Opinion Research Center, found that 53% of non-blacks believe African Americans are less intelligent that Whites. The publication of The Bell Curve and its long presence on the bestseller list has helped perpetuate and strengthen the intellectual inferiority myth. Toni Morrison (1995) addressed that issue. She stated that "The Bell Curve has no other purpose, no other function than the establishment in the popular mind of the idea of genetically inferior intellect. It doesn’t have to be true; it only has to be marketed as true. But it puts us on the defensive. To be always answering questions and mounting defenses about things you thought were obvious keeps you from doing your work."

Since I have been employed in my present position I have spent a considerable amount of time dealing with openly racist remarks in class, dealing with obvious "set-ups," and dealing with situations when students double-checked with other instructors about the accuracy of comments I made in class. Sometimes they came back to class and told me that Dr. So-and-So said such-and-such about the information I gave them. I have even had students ask guest lecturers in my class about information I had already explained to them in great detail. Unaware of what was happening, the speakers sometimes proceeded to express their opinions. Some of the students were unable to hide their obvious delight when the opinions expressed differed from mine. The students seemed not to consider that the information I had given might have been more accurate. Regardless of my expertise and experience, and despite the lack of such on the part of that speaker (on the particular topic), I was perceived to be the one who was wrong. The students could not accept the fact that two professionals may have differing opinions about the same topic without either of them being wrong. The fact is that I am likely to have differing philosophical perspectives on certain issues with some of my colleagues regardless of their racial, ethnic, or cultural backgrounds. Students tend to interpret those differences of opinion as evidence of my incompetency.

Hale (1995) revisited the parable of the five men with visual impairments touching an elephant. The men described the elephant the way they "saw" it. According to Hale, Blacks and Whites are looking at the same issues but through the perspectives of different experiences. That is true of scholars in general. However, when opposing viewpoints are presented by professors who are from different racial backgrounds, the student response is different than it is when the same thing occurs between two White professors.

Several writers have addressed the issue of student evaluations and other obstacles to success for faculty of color in predominantly white institutions. Daufin (1995) wrote eloquently regarding her experiences. She reported that many students of all races and walks of life loved her but most White students did not. African American students gave her nearly perfect scores on evaluation instruments. Most of her White students resented her and she had "the students’ evaluations to prove it." According to Daufin she tried every teaching method, device, approach and strategy to achieve higher numeric teaching evaluations. None of it worked. Daufin stated that when she caucuses with other African American female professors at professional conferences, she has found that their experiences are much the same, especially if they teach outside the hard sciences and address issues of multiculturalism. She cited New York University Law Professor Derrick Bell’s comments on the subject. According to Bell, while he was substituting for a White colleague at the Harvard Law School, White students wasted 10 minutes of class time complaining about the performance of their absent White professor. Even so, continued Daufin, "Dr. Bell agreed that when the professor is a woman of color, students are even more likely to feel it is their right to complain to us about any woes they have, whether they are related to the class or not to challenge our credentials to correct them in our fields of specialty, and to complain about us to our supervisors."

On the basis of many experiences I have had here at Appalachian State University, I identified with many of Daufin’s experiences and concerns. To list just four:

(1) the necessity, in many instances, for a woman of color to provide extra proof that she is really "cutting the mustard."

2) unawareness by some members of evaluation committees of research that indicate students judge White women and people of color more harshly than White male professors.

3) superb ratings of White peers who have observed our teaching, but relatively low numbers by White students in those same classes.

4) reasons students gave for the low ratings

a) too much work

b) discussions of race or gender issues that "no one agrees with"

Daufin hypothesized that perhaps "White students who are used to Black women working for them have a real, though perhaps unconscious, resentment to having to work for a Black woman who can affect their permanent record. When the obstacle between them and a 4.0 happens to be a woman of color, there may be murder in their eyes. Many professors know that no matter how warm their personalities or lively their teaching styles, the honeymoon is over when students receive their first grades." Finally, Daufin reports that "most people believe that where there’s smoke, there’s fire. Complaints against a Black female faculty member usually reinforce others’ buried assumptions that women of color really never measure up to the standards of the academy."

De Veaux (1995) discussed some ways in which Black women confront academic stereotypes. She related her experiences as a Black woman scholar in major White universities. She believes that because we are Black women, we often have to confront racist stereotypes that deny the full range of our human and intellectual capabilities. According to De Veaux, "it is a constant struggle to keep from stumbling and falling, a constant struggle just to survive. We share the perception that our scholarship is of little real interest to the academy, because the academy is interested in studying, not improving Black people’s lives." This viewpoint is supported by other writers (Cleage, 199 5; Daufin, 1995; Davis, 1994; de la Luz Reyes & Halcon, 1988; Delpi@ 1986; Hale, 1995; Watkins, 1988).

Davis (1994) described her experiences in academia. It is almost as if she was talking about me! She was the only African American female tenure-track professor on campus when she arrived. In spite of a 21-year career in higher education (15 of those in a tenured position) her tenure clock started at zero. She was accustomed to being the first to do whatever or the "only one" in this or that. Davis states that in spite of the gains women have made in many areas, we are experiencing a very strong backlash against the strides women and people of color have made in the last few years. She has resolved that in spite of this, we must believe in ourselves and our style. "Women do not have to act like men (nor Blacks act like Whites) to be successful." Cleage (1995) discussed the dilemma of successful Black women and how she resolved the conflict within herself. According to Cleage, "We reserve the right without apology, to make decisions based on who we are, right now. Sometimes that means we don navy blue business suits and head downtown to the corridors of corporate America. Sometimes we wrap ourselves in kente cloth and stop straightening our hair. And sometimes we wear our low-slung blue jeans so baggy they defy gravity... Because the truth is, we do not know any other way to be, except Black and beautiful; mysterious and maternal; free and flying. This is how we live because we must, glowing in the darkness, shining in our own unquenchable light, inviting those with eyes to see to feast upon our beauty and share the strength it brings, shaped lovingly, at last, in our own images."

Watkins (1988) discussed the fact that there is a growing awareness that being Black and female in academia may be a classic case of double jeopardy, even though we give administrators "two tokens for the price of one." Watkins stated that historically, misconceptions about Black women have persisted in both the popular press and scholarly literature. According to Watkins, "nothing reminds me more dramatically of the continuing struggle that women of color face in their battle for true equality than any experience with professional peers."

The most dramatic demonstration of all the things I have discussed in this paper can be seen by comparing student evaluations for CD 5682 (Communication Disorders in Diverse Populations) for the three semesters it has been taught. They fell from being very high for the first two years to being the lowest rating I have received in my entire teaching career this last year. There had been very little change in the course content or activities. What then, could have caused such a drastic difference in the way I was rated by the students in the class? Initially, it was an elective class. Students enrolled in the class because they wanted to be in it. Some students declared they would "never take that course!" I was not bothered by that because so many other students were enthusiastic about taking it. Several took it as an independent study because they were unable to otherwise fit it into their schedules. I have had as many as eight students per semester take the course as an independent study. Several undergraduates have elected to take it each spring. I was so happy! Then came the Spring of 1995 when the course was required for the first time. The students’ resentment was obvious from the very first day. They complained about having to do assigned readings from the textbook. Only a few participated in class discussions. The other students either wrote notes to each other throughout the sessions or sat there stone-faced and would not take notes when I lectured. Midway through the course, I went to the departmental chairperson to inform her of the problems and tell her of my concern that the students would "zap me" in their evaluations at the end of the semester. I was right! I initially toyed with the idea that for my sake, the course should be returned to the elective status. However, I decided that for the sake of culturally diverse clients and families who will be served by these students, I must "tough it out." I consulted with our faculty development office about suggestions regarding how to deal with the situation. They gave me several great suggestions, all of which I had already tried. I suspect that student evaluations for me, especially in that class, will probably continue to be relatively low for some time to come. I am beginning to see some glimpses of hope that things will improve from where they now are. However, I think we are a long way from the time when I will be evaluated by some students strictly on the basis of my performance in class.