Genetic Ancestry Tracing and American Indian Identity
By Susan Parry and Carl Elliott
University of Minnesota
Last year saw the launch of a new Internet service called Family Tree DNA. A commercial firm sponsored by Genealogy by Genetics Ltd., Family Tree DNA advertises itself as "America’s first DNA-driven genealogical testing company." For fees ranging from $219 to $499, the company offers genetic testing to subscribers who wish to trace their genetic ancestry. Among the special services and projects on its menu are genetic tests for Jewish and Native American ancestry. The headline on the Family Tree DNA website declares, "Genealogy by Genetics is the greatest addition to Genealogy since the creation of the Family Tree!"
Commercial genetic ancestry tracing may be new, but the techniques it uses are not. Scientists working in population genetics and genetic anthropology are using Y chromosome and mitochondrial DNA testing to trace the genetic ancestry of population groups all over the world. In 1998, geneticists used Y chromosome testing as a means of corroborating or denying the status of Americans who claimed to be the descendants of Thomas Jefferson and his slave mistress Sally Hemmings. Rick Kittles of Howard University provoked controversy in 2000 when he began using mitochondrial DNA and Y chromosome testing to attempt to trace the ancestry of individual African Americans to the areas of Africa from which they were captured and brought to America as slaves. A number of research groups have used similar techniques to detect evidence of Jewish genetic ancestry in groups whose culture or oral history suggests a Jewish heritage that has been lost or forgotten — most famously the Lemba, a black African tribe in southern Africa.
For the past year, a multi-center research group funded by the National Institutes of Health and based at the University of Minnesota has been exploring the philosophical implications of genetic ancestry tracing for concepts of social identity. The Genetics and Identity Project has asked the question: how might new ways of mapping genetic variation change the way a given individual or group conceptualizes its identity? Historically, the notion of genetic constitution has played an important role in the construction of various political structures, and this is often still true today. The one-drop rule in the Jim Crow South; the fact that many countries still base citizenship on "blood"; the issue of who is allowed membership in tribal bands of aboriginal peoples, or who is allowed access to affirmative action: all these questions have been subject to a kind of informal genetic assessment, which new techniques of gene mapping have the potential to alter, undermine or reinforce. But gene mapping also has the potential to alter conceptions of identity beyond the political. It might alter conceptions of ethnic identity (who counts as African American or American Indian) or religious identity (who counts as Jewish) or family identity (who counts as a member of the Jefferson family.) All of these various aspects of social identity overlap in complex ways, and genetics is only one part of the mix. But clearly there is great potential for confusion when new knowledge of genetic markers conflicts with other kinds of markers of group membership, like a shared culture or historical narrative. Is a person any more a German, a Cherokee, a Jew or a Jefferson if his or her identity is corroborated by a genetic marker?
Geneticists often emphasize that the techniques used to trace genetic ancestry are very limited and offer only a glimpse into the ancestry of any given individual. Two main techniques are currently in use. The first type traces genetic markers (polymorphisms) on the Y chromosome. The Y chromosome is passed down virtually unchanged from father to son. Thus the Y chromosome of any given man will be a copy of the Y chromosome of his father, which will be a copy of the Y chromosome of his own father, and so on. Tracing the Y chromosome offers any given man knowledge about one — but only one — of the many genetic lines in his ancestry. Any man has four grandparents, two of whom are his grandfathers, but Y chromosome tracing will connect him to only one of those four people. Similarly, any man has 128 great-great-great-great-great-grandparents, but Y chromosome tracing will track his genetic lineage back to only one of those ancestors.
For women, the story is slightly different. Women generally do not have Y chromosomes, of course, but they do have mitochondrial DNA, which is passed down through maternal lines. Mitochondrial DNA is present in both men and women, but only women pass their mitochondrial DNA on to their children. Like the Y chromosome, mitochondrial DNA includes markers that geneticists can use to trace maternal genetic lineages. Thus any person, male or female, can track his or her ancestry through his or her mother, his or her mother’s mother, and so on. This kind of ancestry tracing is subject to limitations similar to those of Y chromosome tracing, in that it offers knowledge about only one of many genetic lines. A person whose mitochondrial DNA is traced back 9 generations will get information about his or her links to only one of 512 genetic ancestors.
This may sound like a slender foundation upon which to build an identity. Yet given the enormous importance often placed on genetics — for kinship, citizenship, community membership of all kinds — genetic ancestry tracing could have powerful effects on the institutional structures that reinforce social identity, especially if a particular group begins to use genetic testing as a criterion for membership.
The stakes are especially high than for American Indians, for whom the connection between genetics and identity carries tremendous economic and psychological importance. Official recognition of a group by the federal government as an Indian tribe has profound implications for federal financial support, land treaties, and sovereignty claims. Similarly, an individual’s recognition by the federal government as an Indian has profound implications for access to educational, health, and housing programs. The most commonly used marker of American Indian identity is the so-called "blood quantum," or percentage of "Indian blood."
Genetic ancestry tracing such as that offered by Family Tree DNA offers the lure of hard, scientific corroboration of American Indian ancestry, which could in turn be used to confirm or deny access to government ser vices and participation in government treaties. Should American Indians embrace genetic ancestry tracing? If they do, how might this change the relationship between Indians and government bodies? Ultimately, the question of whether to use genetic ancestry tracing is a matter for American Indians themselves to decide. What we outline here are some of the broader issues at stake in the debate, as well as a cautionary note about the ways that genetic ancestry tracing might be misused.
Genetics and the Bureau of Indian Affairs
Who counts as an American Indian? The answer is complicated. The most influential statement of American Indian identity, the Indian Reorganization Act of 1934 (IRA), defines "Indian" as follows:
All persons of Indian descent who are members of any recognized tribe now under Federal jurisdiction, and all persons who are descendants of such members who were, on June 1, 1934, residing within the present boundaries of any Indian reservation, and shall further include all other persons of one-half or more Indian blood.
Blood quantum is an enormously complicated issue because it is used in so many different ways. The federal government has two main types of relationships with American Indians: those with individual American Indians and those with tribes. In determining whether a tribe receives federal recognition (and is thus able to claim rights to federal financial support and sovereignty), the federal government does not use blood quantum explicitly. However, federal recognition is based on seven mandatory criteria (25 CFR Part 83), two of which refer to membership and ancestry. 83.7(d) requires that groups petitioning for federal recognition describe membership criteria and how they are applied, while 83.7(e) requires that current members of the petitioning group descend from a historic tribe or amalgamated tribes. Blood quantum thus plays an implicit role here, in that tribes determine their own membership criteria and these criteria vary greatly among tribes. Some tribes require that members trace their ancestors as a basis for tribal rolls; others require anything from 1/32 to _ "blood" of that tribe.
Even more complicated is the role of blood quantum in the relationship between the federal government or a state government and an individual American Indian. Many Bureau of Indian Affairs (BIA) regulations governing the administration of federal benefit programs rely on one-quarter or one-half blood quantum requirements; e.g. the Indian Hiring Preference, Vocational Training for Adult Indians, and Educational Loans and Grants. Other programs require blood quantum and proof of tribal enrollment. Because these regulations vary so greatly, it is possible for a given individual to qualify for health benefits, for example, but not employment benefits.
Despite great variations in how "American Indian" is defined, most definitions include some mention of ancestry and many refer explicitly to blood quantum. The amount of debate and disagreement here is high, in part because there is so much at stake. Given this history, policymakers may well be tempted to use genetic ancestry tracing to do what many tribes have been doing less formally for a long time. Yet genetic ancestry tracing may reduce Indian identity to a matter of genetic constitution, leaving out other (and arguably more important) aspects of identity: language, social history, cultural inheritance, and so on — especially if the importance of genetic ancestry tracing were to become enshrined in law.
The Case of the Lumbee Indians
The Lumbee Indians provide an interesting case study for the kinds of temptations and dangers raised by genetic ancestry tracing, precisely because their identity has been a matter of such controversy. The Lumbee Indians are the largest Indian tribe east of the Mississippi River. They live mainly in Robeson County, North Carolina, which is the most ethnically diverse county in the South: 36% white, 25% black and 39% Indian. Anthropologists used to identify the Lumbee as a so-called "tri-racial" group, as a way of indicating a "mixed" genetic ancestry, but the Lumbee have always identified themselves solely as Indian. The Lumbee have a long histor y of maintaining a distinct identity separate from the whites and blacks of Robeson County. Ancestry has always been important to them, but blood quantum has not. Although the state of North Carolina has recognized the tribal status of the Lumbee since the 1880s, attempts by the Lumbee to receive federal recognition have met only limited success. That is, the federal government has granted them a kind of recognition that specifically excludes the right to receive federal services.
The nature of the Lumbee Tribe raises hard questions about possible implications of genetic testing. So-called "real" Indian tribes have often used genetics — blood quantum — as a way of determining who counts as a member of the tribe. And in fact, the Lumbee today rely on ancestry to determine tribal membership. Ancestry has always played an important role in Lumbee identity, in that acceptance into the community depends partly on ancestral ties. Yet a group like the Lumbee have the most to lose by linking identity to genetics. If a genetic standard is used to determine group membership, it might well reinforce notions of "racial purity" implicit in government policy — notions that constitute part of the reason why the Lumbee have not received federal recognition in the past.
The Lumbee Indians have unique characteristics that set them apart from other tribes. First, there is a long-standing debate about the origins of the tribe. One theory has it that they are descendants of Raleigh’s Lost Colony on Roanoke Island. (1587/1590) According to this theory, the colonists amalgamated with a native tribe and moved inland. Another theory has it that the ancestors of the Lumbee moved from their former coastal homes in the Black River region to the banks of the Lumbee River in North Carolina. This theory maintains that the ancestors of the Lumbee settled in Robeson County as early as 1650. Others argue that the Lumbee are descendants of the Cherokee, while still others argue that they are descendants of the Eastern Sioux.
The documented history of the Lumbee Indians begins in the early 18th century when Scottish settlers described encountering a native tribe practicing a "European culture." The Lumbee Indians have no remaining language or indisputably distinct cultural practices, never kept tribal rolls, were never a reserved people, and have no treaties with state or federal governments. The name "Lumbee" was adopted only in 1953. Most scholars agree that they are an amalgamation of at least several tribes and other individuals. Unlike most American Indian tribes, they have defined "their identity primarily in terms of shared ideas about themselves as a people," rather than genetic ancestors.
The Lumbee Tribe has made many petitions for federal recognition that includes full financial benefits. In 1985 the Bureau of Indian Affairs produced a Final Determination that the Lumbee Nation does not exist as an Indian Tribe. In that document the Assistant Secretary determined that the Lumbee failed to satisfy five of the seven mandatory criteria and further that because of the group’s "mixed and uncertain ancestry, the geographical dispersion of its continuity, and the group’s lack of inherent social and political cohesion and continuity," the Lumbee fail to satisfy federal requirements. But rejection by the federal government has not changed how the Lumbee Indians view themselves; members carry an overwhelming sense that "we know who we are." Despite this strong sense of self-preservation in the face of diversity, there is also a strong sense within the Lumbee Tribe that the federal government has treated the tribe unjustly.
It is not hard to imagine the temptations of genetic ancestry tracing for a group like the Lumbee Indians. These techniques promise new ways to document ancestr y. Although current technology is flawed and limited, one can imagine improvements that would allow members of the Lumbee Tribe to use genetic testing to help settle the question of whether they are descendants of the Cherokee or Eastern Sioux Tribes. Testing could also be used to determine the range of genetic variation among Tribe members. Databases could be constructed that might link the Lumbee to other American Indian groups. Genetic ancestry tracing could finally give the Lumbee Indians the "proof " of Indian ancestry they need for federal acknowledgement and benefits. But would it be worth the risks?
The Risks of Genetic Ancestry Tracing
One obvious risk of a genetic test for ancestry is that it will fail to corroborate an ancestry claim. The results of a test are never known in advance. Any group or individual staking a claim on a genetic test runs the risk that the results will be reasonably interpreted in a way that runs counter to the interests of the individual or group being tested.
It is also important to remember that genetic ancestry tracing has different implications for individuals than it does for groups. For individuals, genetic ancestry tracing can be used to corroborate claims of a genetic relationship to a particular group, and it can fail to corroborate these claims, but it cannot be used to disprove such a relationship. If an individual Lumbee Indian were to get mitochondrial DNA testing, he or she might find that her mitochondrial DNA contained markers tracing back to one of the five Native American "haplogroups." This might be taken as evidence corroborating his or her ancestry claim. Yet that individual might well have found that his or her mitochondrial DNA traces back to Europe instead. Even if this were the case, however, it would not disprove Indian ancestry. All it would show is that one (out of hundreds) of his or her maternal lineages traced back to Europe. All of the others may trace back to the Americas, but those would not be detected by the test.
Genetic ancestry tracing could play out differently for groups. For example, if mitochondrial DNA and Y chromosome testing were performed on a representative group of volunteers that identified themselves culturally and historically as Lumbee, the results would likely show that a certain percentage of the group had markers tracing back to one of the Native American haplogroups. If it were a high percentage, then federal authorities might be inclined to accept this as evidence that the Lumbee were "real" American Indians (and not, as the BIA put it, a group with "mixed and uncertain ancestry.") Yet what would count as a high percentage? Any figure would be meaningless without some point of comparison. High compared to other North Carolinians? Other Americans? Other American Indian tribes? How should a group’s ancestral profile be interpreted? And who should decide what percentage of a particular ancestry is sufficient for identity claims?
Most importantly, however, there is a real danger that the widespread adoption of genetic ancestry tracing will elevate genetics to a position of authority at the expense of other, arguably far more important aspects of identity. Membership in an American ethnic community may have often been tied to genetics, but it has never been solely genetic. For a person to be an "authentic" American Indian or Jew or African-American has never been solely a matter of a person’s physical appearance or blood ties, but of all manner of other cultural forms, from language and history to music and food. If a simple genetic test comes to be seen as a way of adjudicating identity claims, it will threaten to overwhelm all of the other, less easily measurable cultural forms that constitute an identity — such as shared values, languages, history, religion, social institutions, and worldview.
Carl Elliott’s research funded by the National Institute of Health, grant R01-HG02196-01 Ethnicity, Citizenship, Family: Identity after the Human Genome Project
Susan Parry’s research funded by the University of Minnesota’s Consortium on Law and Values in Health, Environment and the Life Sciences
Notes
See http://www.familytreeDNA.com/; accessed 12/19/01.
See Shelvia Dancy, "Black Heritage: Reclaiming African Ancestry
of Biblical Figures," Plain Dealer, (March 11, 2000): 1F. Sam Fulwood III, "His DNA Promise Doesn’t Deliver; Science: Geneticist Made Headlines Announcing $300 Blood Test That Could Tell African Americans Their Heritage. Fellow Scientists Say It’s Possible, But Not Yet," Los Angeles Times, (May 29, 2000): A1.
Greg Wright, "DNA Helps Find African Roots," Enquirer.Com (April 5, 2000); accessed 8/2/01 http://enquirer.com/editions/2000/04/05/ loc_dna_helps_find.html
See MG Thomas, T Parfitt, DA Weiss, K Skorecki, JF Wilson , M le Roux, N Bradman, DB Goldstein, "Y Chromosomes Traveling South: The Cohen Modal Haplotype and the Origins of the Lemba - the ‘Black Jews of Southern Africa’," American Journal of Human Genetics, Vol 66, No 2, (February 2000): 674-686.
See project website at http://www.bioethics.umn.edu/ genetics_and_identity/index.html
For more information on genetics and scientific background see "Scientific Background" and "Resources" sections of Genetics and Identity Project website.
Indian Reorganization Act of 1934, ch. 576, 48 Stat. 984 (codified as amended at 25 U.S.C. §§ 461-497 (1988)) (Wheeler-Howard Act).
See Margo S. Brownell, "Who is an Indian? Searching for an Answer to the Question at the Core of Federal Indian Law," University of Michigan Journal of Law Reform, 34 (Fall 2000/Winter 2001): 275320, 280-282.
McMillan, Alex Frew. "Lost Cause: Federal recognition for the Lumbee Indians would have meant as much as $150 million a year for Robeson County. So why didn’t the business community care?" Business, North Carolina Vol 15 (1995): 40-44+, 42.
See Beale, Calvin L. "An Overview of the Phenomenon of Mixed Racial Isolates in the United States," American Anthropologist 74 (1972): 704-710
See Padget, Cindy D. "The Lost Indians of the Lost Colony: A Critical Legal Study of the Lumbee Indians of North Carolina." American Indian Law Review 12 (1997): 391.
See http://www.lumbeeindians.net/ lumbee_tribal_enrollment.htm; accessed 12/19/01. Tribal membership requires tracing descent from an individual appearing on one of the tribe’s base rolls. Base rolls include Indian School Records, Church Records, and Federal Census Data.
Dial, Adolph L. and David K. Eliades. The Only Land I Know: A History of the Lumbee Indians. (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 1996), 8.
Ibid., 12-13.
Ibid., 14-15.
Ibid., 16.
Ibid., 28.
Karen I. Blu. The Lumbee Problem. (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1980), 236.
See Stanley G Knick. The Lumbee in Context (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1993), 72 and
Gail K. Sheffield. The Arbitrary Indian: The Indian Arts and Crafts Act of 1990. (Norman and London: University of Oklahoma Press, 1997), 116. Blu, 2.
Qtd. In Padget, 414.
The Co-Evolution of Bioethics, Computing and Cyberspace: An Archaeological Perspective
Robert Baker
Union College, Schenectady, NY
The Office as an Archaeological Dig
Moving offices is an exercise in autobiographical archeology. I have been a bioethicist since before bioethics came to be called "bioethics" –which was well before the advent of the personal computer. So, although it was only a matter of descending three flights of stairs from a Philosophy office occupied for over a quarter of a century to a newly established Bioethics Center, the materials unearthed in the process document the birth of bioethics and its co-evolution with computing. In this essay I use the "data" revealed by my recent move to explore this co-evolution, touching on the impact of computing and cyberspace on bioethics—including such recent innovations as e- or distance learning and consulting—while reflecting on bioethics’ initial struggles for recognition.
The world divides into pilers and filers. I am a habitual piler. The lower levels of some of my piles were clearly demarcated by artifacts of academe BCE—Before the Computer Era—carbons, dittos, and mimeos, notebooks and note cards. The earliest computer era (CE) artifacts in my office are printout sheets from the 1970s—remnants of the period of central computing, when faculty workstations were scarce and printing (for a campus of 2,000 students and 200 faculty) was concentrated at a single campus location. Twelve-inch Displaywriter disks—mementos of two desk encompassing dedicated word processing machines (IBM Displaywriters) that, together with a single printer, were leased to serve the 40 faculty members resident in the Humanities Center in the late 1970s—are the first indicators of "personal computing." My first personal computer was a 1981 Digital Rainbow that actually fit on and under my desk, in my own office and that used diskettes that were merely five inches. The Rainbow has since been replaced by a variety of ever-smaller machines, IBM clones, MacIntoshs and Palms. My current computers—a four-pound Titanium G4, and a four-and-one-half-inch four-point-nine-ounce Palm M-500—have shrunk to notebook and notepad size, and yet even the Palm holds more information than the IBM Displaywriter or the Rainbow. The first artifacts of true cyberspace appear in the early 1990s in the form of Telnet printouts of library catalogues and reference materials. As computing evolved into cyberspace, however, indicative artifacts evaporate into information that is itself stored in cyberspace.
Evolving into a Bioethicist
The BCE artifacts relating to early bioethics suggest that recent portrayals of the birth of bioethics fail to capture the initial tenuousness of the enterprise. "Bioethics" is now a secure sub-field of philosophy. Philosophers designate themselves as "bioethicists" in much the same way that might call themselves "epistemologists." Yet, until recently, even my journals eschewed the term. The earliest run of a journal denominating itself "bioethics" that I own is the eponymous Bioethics—a 1986 British publication. Curious, I decided to see whether the eschewal of ‘bioethics’ evident in archaeological record of my office was confirmed by my curriculum vitae. I have been active in the field since 1972, receiving an NEH grant for research in philosophy and medicine in 1974 and attending Sam Gorovitz’s "Institute on Morals and Medicine" in the summer of the same year. My first publication in the field appeared two years later. Yet, with one exception, the term ‘bioethics’ does not appear in the title of any of my articles, or in any book or journal in which they were published, until a 1983 review article for Ethics, entitled "Recent Books in Bioethics." A full decade would pass before I would again use the term in a title.
The only BCE artifacts in my office embracing the term ‘bioethics’ emanate from the Kennedy Institute of Ethics at Georgetown University. The term appears in the title of the two editions of the Encyclopedia of Bioethics (1978, 1995), in correspondence related to my contributions to these encyclopedias, in the various editions of Beauchamp and Walters’ Contemporary Issues in Bioethics, and, most commonly, in printouts from BIOETHICSLINE and the Bibliography of Bioethics. Insofar as my office is indicative of the field, it would appear that although some scholars at the Kennedy Institute of Ethics—birthplace of the term and the dominant conception of ‘bioethics’—considered ‘bioethics’ the title of choice for the new field they were attempting to found, neither a typical philosopher working in the field, nor the books and journals in his library, were initially receptive to their conception of the emerging proto-field—until the 1990s.
This exercise in autobiographical archeology raises three questions. Why did philosophers eschew the term ‘bioethics’ until the 1990s? Why has ‘bioethics’ become the standard designation for the field? And, finally, to touch on a minor methodological point, if the field first came to be called ‘bioethics’ in the 1990s, can computing be said to co-evolve with "bioethics" prior to bioethics emergence, so to speak?
My files/piles suggest some answers. One reason why those involved in bioethics from the beginning were reluctant to use the term was that the legitimacy of our teaching and scholarship depend upon peer acceptance. Yet the documents in my office indicate that my peers in philosophy were initially reluctant to recognize any area of "applied ethics" as properly philosophical—including bioethics. To cite one minor example: in 1972 I listed participation on an American Psychiatric Association panel on psychosurgery in my annual report of professional activities. The Chair of the Philosophy Department where I was teaching asked me to "correct" my report by deleting that line. Displaying the innocent, albeit principled obstinacy of a young academic, I refused. The matter went before a dean, who resolved the issue by surveying philosophy chairs. None of the chairs consulted considered my activity philosophical. In the early days of applied ethics, therefore, a prudent concern for professional survival dictated a strong emphasis on the philosophical nature of one’s work. Philosophy and Sex, which was published three years later, contains ‘philosophy’ in the forefront of its title for precisely this reason.
I had deeper reasons for eschewing the label ‘bioethicist.’ The ‘ist’ suffix, with its association with ‘ologies’ and ‘ics’ insinuates a level expertise that made me feel uncomfortable. Archeologists are experts in archeology, biologists in biology, and physicists in physics. Thus to accept the designation ‘bioethicist’ would seem to imply a claim to expertise in bioethics, comparable to biologists’ expertise in biology. Such claims affronted my intellectual heritage. Like most analytic philosophers who came to bioethics in the early days, my teachers held that "ethics" was really metaethics, or, at worst, ethical theory. They disdained ‘normative ethics,’ dismissing it as beyond the bounds of professional philosophy. My ethics teacher, for example, used a very popular ethics textbook that closed with the following thought.
Moral philosophy is a practical science; its aim is to answer questions in the form ‘What shall I do?’ [Yet] …no general answer can be given to this type of question… [it] is a dangerous task to undertake…[for] the sort of life that will in fact be satisfactory to a man will depend on the sort of man that he is…. The questions ‘What shall I do?’ and ‘What moral principles should I adopt?’ must be answered by each man for himself; that at least is part of the connotation of the word ‘moral’.
Bioethics, of course, is precisely the attempt to address the questions "what shall [clinicians/biomedical researchers] do?" Yet, even as I rejected the notion that it was part of the meaning of ‘moral’ that each person, clinician or researcher, should decide such questions for her/himself, my teachers’ intellectual prejudices lingered. Only in the 1990s—after two decades of work in clinical contexts—did I become comfortable with the ‘ist’ suffix and its implications of expertise. I found, moreover, that my knowledge of clinical and professional ethics extends well beyond that of a (dare I say "mere") metaethicist or an ethical theorist. They are comparatively untutored in the languages of the clinic and the biomedical sciences; the intricacies of professional codes of ethics often elude them, as do the roles and unwritten rules of the clinic and the laboratory. Not surprisingly, therefore, although their presentations on the ethical aspects of biomedicine sometimes display the virtues of talented amateurs, more often than not they just seem amateurish. Yet, if I consider them amateurs, I could not object to designations implying my expertise. In the 1990s my reservations about the designation ‘bioethicist’ vanished.
Other philosophers must have undergone a similar transformation. Until the mid-1980s the term ‘bioethics’ was notably absent from the names and the publications of the major societies in the field: the American Society of Law, Medicine and Ethics (founded by physicians and lawyers in 1911) and The Society for Health and Human Values (SHHV, founded by physicians and theologians working in medical contexts in 1969). By the 1980s, however, philosophers began to play an active role in professional societies. They played a leading role in founding the Society for Bioethics Consultation (SBC) in 1985, and the American Association of Bioethics (AAB) about a decade later. In 1998, the (approximately) 600member AAB, and the 150-member SBC, banded together with the 850-member SHHV, to form the 1500-member American Society for Bioethics and Humanities (which now has almost 2,000 members)—making ‘bioethics’ the official name for the field. Organizations founded by philosophers thus catalyzed the move to denominate the field ‘bioethics.’ Perhaps not surprisingly, during this period, philosophically oriented discourse systematically displaced the more theologically oriented ‘human values’ language of theology and medical humanism. In short, as "bioethics" became more philosophical, philosophers became more willing to accept the designation ‘bioethicist,’ and—to return to autobiographical archeology—the books, journals and other artifacts unearthed in my office "dig" reflect that transformation.
Now to the methodological issue: if philosophers are newly minted "bioethicists" who did not accept the designation until the 1990s, is it reasonable to discuss the coevolution of computing and bioethics in earlier periods? As it happens, the language of evolution is Whiggishly teleological. The evolution of homo sapiens, for example, includes our non-human precursors. So, if one takes care to recognize the evolving nature of both computing and philosophers’ changing attitudes towards ascriptions of expertise, the term ‘bioethics’ can be applied to earlier proto-bioethical decades.
The Impact of Computers and Cyberspace on Bioethics Publishing and Research
Judging from the evidence offered by the various strata in my office, computers and cyberspace had the same impact on the field that was to become bioethics as it did on the rest of academia. Lower strata bear witness to the incessant struggle with the fixity of the physical page that defined and plagued academia in the pre-computing era—cutting, pasting, stapling, multiple pre-publication galley and page proofs, prolonged correspondence over edits, and so forth. Word processing liberated writing from the fixity of the physical. Cutting and pasting were soon supplanted by metaphorically analogous computer operations, freeing writers from a bondage that had been made invisible by its universality. The page vanished and we could focus on the text.
Word processing freed some of us from other limitations. Spell check, for example, meant that poor spellers, like me, could now circulate our roughest drafts with confidence. From an editor’s perspective, however, e-mail—especially the ‘attach file’—was almost as important as word processing itself. The physicality of the page and the slowness of the post held editorial processes to a snail’s pace, leaving a longish paper trail in its wake. Editorial correspondence and related materials for the first edition of Philosophy and Sex (1975) filled a small filing cabinet. By contrast, materials relating to the latest edition (1998)—a text 2/3 larger—fills only a few folders, the rest is on my laptop computer’s hard drive. The editorial preparation process itself was reduced from three years to a bit over one. This transformation occurred relatively recently. Most of the texts for the four volumes that I edited or co-edited between 1990 and 1995 were transmitted via intermediate technologies: diskettes mailed through the post supplemented by phone, fax and email. After 1995, however, e-mailed files became the primary means for transmitting manuscripts. Virtually all of the chapters commissioned for The American Medical Ethics Revolution (1999) were sent by e-mail as attached files. Similarly, the 67 commissioned chapters in the book that I am currently coediting, a Cambridge History of Medical Ethics, are being submitted as attached files. The diskette, once the epitome of progress, is now so obsolete that many computers no longer have disk drives. The result of this transformation is that complex volumes can now be edited expeditiously and less expensively. Yet, ironically, as the acceleration of the process becomes commonplace it is taken for granted, and what once seemed rapid in editing now feels like a delayed response.
Cyberspace has some real limitations. Although I share editorial comments via cyberspace with my co-editor for A History of Medical Ethics, Laurence McCullough of the Baylor College of Medicine, we still meet in person on a regular basis and we are in constant phone communication. We also launched the histor y project and our more recent collaboration, the Cambridge Dictionary of Bioethics, the old fashioned way—via conferences in Houston and Schenectady at which contributors and editors met face to face, in the flesh, to explore new ideas in non-virtual reality. Nonetheless, meeting fellow scholars in non-virtual reality is time consuming and expensive (the launching conferences would have been impossible without generous funding from such organizations as the Greenwall Foundation and the National Endowment for the Humanities); I wonder whether our need for personal contact is not a psychological limitation of mature scholars—like Larr y and me—whose expectations and scholarly habits are rooted in the pre-computer past. For the present, however, I cannot envision launching projects at this level of complexity entirely in cyberspace. Person-to-person non-virtual interaction and cross-fertilization seem essential— perhaps even efficient.
Larry and I are exploring even newer ways in which bioethicists can collaborate on complex scholarly works via cyberspace. The editorial process for the Cambridge Dictionary of Bioethics is a case in point. The Dictionary will be a 600,000-word, 750-page, global dictionary of bioethics, involving an editorial board of over 50 bioethicists and hundreds of contributors (who will eventually be invited to contribute via e-mail). Our aim is to produce a comprehensive but concise one-volume international dictionary. The project is challenging both because of its international scope and because bioethical language is as rooted in the informal argots, the "shop talk," of the laboratory and the wards, as it is in the formal discourses of medicine, law, theology, and philosophy. Thus, in addition to definitions of the biological medical, legal, theological and philosophical terms used in standard bioethical discourse, the Dictionary will include acronyms and informal usages. Our headword list (i.e., the list of terms to be defined) will range from ‘ARESLD’ to ‘xenograft’, from ‘clone’ to ‘GMO’; from ‘euthanasia, human’ to ‘euthanasia, non-human animals’; from ‘circumcision, female’ and ‘circumcision, male’ to ‘gomer,’ ‘gork,’ ‘tipping; ("parasolvency ") and ‘virginity testing’. Embracing the internationalism of contemporary bioethics, the Dictionary will include English versions of the discourse of the EU as well as the US, of the UN and WHO as well as NIH and NSF, and of European as well as North American philosophy—containing headword entries for ‘solidarity’ as well as ‘autonomy’.(See APPENDIX 1)
Meeting the three great challenges of dictionary creation expeditiously would have been impossible outside of cyberspace. Dictionaries require a headword list—and thus a method for determining which terms will be included or excluded from the headword list— a panel of experts to define the headwords, and a vetting process to check the accuracy of the definitions. Since there is no precedent for a comprehensive international dictionary in bioethics, had we pursued this project by traditional means, completion would take at least a decade, probably longer. Given the pace of bioethical innovation, the volume would be doomed to obsolescence before its publication date. Yet, by scanning newsletters, journal abstracts and indices we were able to generate a sample of bioethical discourse in under a year; combining this raw data with a new dictionar y-editing software that we are developing for our purposes, we should be able to engage hundreds of bioethicists in a collaborative process of selecting, defining and editing the hundreds of entries in the comparatively short period of a few years. By drawing on the collaborative possibilities inherent in cyberspace we will thus be able to publish the Dictionary before it becomes obsolete—presumably a minimal condition for its success. Cyberspace, or, more accurately, a website devoted to the Language of Bioethics, will also enable bioethicists to report new usages to us, allowing us to make updated list of definitions available to the international bioethics community in a timely manner.
Problems in Cyberspace
Having lauded the virtues of computers and cyberspace, I want to underline some problems: the instability of cyberspace and computer media, technological obsolescence, and our collective dependency on government maintained databases. Cyberspace and computer technology are in perpetual revolution and revolutions, by nature, are unstable and destructive. The fixity of paper and print, vexatious though they may be during the process of creation, becomes a singular virtue in matters of preservation. As the piles and files in my office demonstrate, typescripts, printed pages, books, even hand written manuscripts, are inherently stable media whereas, to reiterate, cyberspace is not. Computer problems (often virus induced) plagued both editors and many authors throughout the editing of A History of Medical Ethics. Assuming a modicum of probity in editorial communications, a surprisingly large number of contributors still lose material on their computers or in cyberspace— frequently without the protective redundancy of "back ups." Viruses are also an on-going threat to the Dictionary, and, despite multiple precautions, I have nightmares about a cleverly dormant virus or a worm undoing weeks, perhaps even years of work. Free use of cyberspace, like freedom everywhere, requires eternal vigilance in protecting it
Computer dependency is also problematic because of the rapid obsolescence of computer technologies. An unkind intersection of human frailty and bureaucratic procedure, for example, led to the destruction of thousands of hours of notes on ICU decision-making that I had collected during the 1980’s. They had been stored on mainframe computer tal\pes, and destroyed during the college’s conversion from a Hewlett packard to a Digital VAX cluster. (It happened when I was away on sabbatical and so I never filled out the requisite form.) Computer technology is constantly being up-graded, and data texts not transferred from older media to newer quickly become inaccessible. When the last diskette drive becomes a museum piece, whatever has not been transferred to the storage medium of the moment will become inaccessible and will degrade from information to artifact.
On a somewhat deeper layer, in the late 1970’s, Andre Hellegers, the inspirational force behind the Kennedy Institute of Ethics, urged LeRoy Walters and others at the Institute to work with the National Librar y of Medicine to create a research tool for the nascent field