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Spring 2001
Volume 00, Number 2
Newsletter
on Philosophy and Medicine
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Just
Allocation of Reproductive Choice: The Case of Israel's Sick Funds
Adi Bar-Lev
Mount Sinai School of Medicine
Consider two women in opposing predicaments: one wishes to conceive
a child, the other seeks to terminate her pregnancy. Under the auspices
of Israel's universal healthcare system, the needs of only one woman
would be met. The former would receive all medical interventions
modern technology has availed; the latter would not. Given that
the resources available to Israel's Sick Funds are finite, is it
just to provide unlimited cycles of in vitro fertilization (IVF)
to any woman needing such treatment, and to concurrently deny the
utilization of these same resources to women seeking abortion?
Withholding treatment from one woman in favor of assisting another
is not, in and of itself, unjust. "Fairness demands that we
treat people equally, [while
j]ustice requires that we give
each person what he or she is due. A policy that is both fair and
just examines the differences among patients and then treats similar
differences similarly" (Rhodes et al., p. 328). Determining
what each patient is due necessitates an evaluation of the predicaments
in question, and of the efficacy of available treatments.
The predicaments at hand are far more similar than they may appear.
Neither woman is in grave physical jeopardy; neither requires treatment
to prolong her life. Both would suffer a decline in perceived quality
of life if denied the procedures they seek. A measurement of Quality
Adjusted Life Years (QALYs) would ideally provide an objective assessment
of the magnitude of these effects. Yet it seems intrinsically difficult
to assign different weights to the conditions of bearing an unwanted
child and remaining involuntarily childless.
"Weights given to non-fatal health outcomes are provided by
a consensus of health professionals rather than by people who actually
live their lives with the conditions being weighted
. [This
not only] produces inaccurate or prejudicial weighting
, but
also
den[ies] a voice to those whose lives will be more directly
affected by the results of the weighting exercise" (Bickenbach,
p. 13). Allowing the ailing to do such weighting, however, remains
problematic. Those affected by a particular condition are not in
the position to objectively ascertain the relative value of their
anguish when compared with anguish due to circumstances they have
not experienced.
Deontological theories emphasize that a just procedure for allocation
of resources is important in ensuring that the resulting distribution
would indeed be just. For this we turn to John Rawls' conception
of "a veil of ignorance" as a tool in removing decision-making
bias conferred by one's own interests. Individuals behind such a
veil, could imagine the possibility of representing women carring
unwanted pregnancies, be sympathetic to the need for funding abortions.
They would be unlikely to support Israel's current system unless,
by following the rational decision-making processes advocated by
Rawls, they could be persuaded that the QALYs per cost of abortions
pales in comparison to that of IVF.
It does not. Assuming their benefits are comparable, the efficacy
of funding these procedures rests on their cost to society. In monetary
terms, an abortion is far less expensive than a cycle of IVF. Furthermore,
an abortion is far more successful in attaining its desired outcome.
A single cycle of IVF will produce a child only 25% of the time.
If funding of one cycle was warranted in attempting to better the
quality of a woman's life, the funding of a second cycle for a woman
whose first IVF failed would likewise be called for. Since an unfruitful
cycle neither ameliorates the woman's circumstances nor indicates
that a subsequent cycle of IVF will be unsuccessful, there would
be no basis for restricting the number of cycles a woman should
receive.
Yet failing to fund any IVF because of its comparatively lower rate
of success would not be easily justifiable. A 25% chance of success
per cycle does not readily fit into our conception of a futile intervention.
Even where expectations fall below this rate, as they do for older
women (Ron-El et al., 2000), we lack acceptable criteria by which
such attempts may be determined futile. Norman Fost notes that "quantitative
medical futility
refers to a situation in which the "likelihood
of a medical benefit
is extremely small
for example, <
1:100. [But] why is 1:101 futile but 1:99 not?" (in Munson,
pp. 175-6). That is, what rational basis would we have for establishing
any specific cutoff?
As long as we can successfully assist infertile women in conceiving,
we ought to try and do so. Yet, if we were indeed preventing other
women from receiving abortions, what justification would we have
for denying them public resources? Could considerations other than
cost provide justification for unilaterally funding one treatment
but not the other? Could we differentially fund these procedures
by taking into account patients' roles in bringing about the predicaments
they are in? Should we distinguish between the woman who requests
an abortion because she was raped and the one who irresponsibly
engaged in numerous acts of unprotected sex? What if the pregnancy
resulted from just one act of unprotected sex? Where would we draw
a line? Would we begin examining self-selected behavior promoting
infertility? Should we question a partner's preference for boxers
or briefs when ascertaining entitlement to IVF?
Drawing lines to identify those deserving of abortions or the opportunity
for parenthood would be difficult to rationally justify. If we proceed
in the attempt to distinguish between patients by considering past
or future contributions to society, we run into similar difficulties.
"Standards that make a person's education, accomplishments,
or social position relevant seem contrary to [Kant's contention
that]
rationality confers upon everyone an intrinsic worth
and dignity" (Munson, p. 13).
Withholding funding for abortion and providing limitless cycles
of IVF may seem to satisfy our desire to fairly treat those in similar
circumstances in a similar manner. Yet, we can ask whether the distinction
between these groups of patients has a relevant bases. Without clear,
explicit, and public agreement on the relevant distinction this
approach remains problematic when evaluated in terms of justice.
If we agree that reproductive choice, in either direction, is critical
to a woman's quality of life, an ensuing cost-benefit analysis favors
funding the more efficacious and affordable abortion procedure.
The system currently in place, therefore, seems to reflect consideration
of additional factors-perhaps some measure of life years granted
to future children by IVF and removed by abortions, perhaps a societal
value of life, or a religious, social or political interest in population
expansion. Apparently, just allocation of resources was not Israel's
sole concern in establishing its healthcare system.
References
Bickenbach, Jerome. Disability, Justice and Health Systems Performance
Assessment. Medicine and Social Justice, ed. Rosamond Rhodes, Margaret
P. Battin, Anita Silvers. New York: Oxford University Press, forthcoming
2002.
Fost, Norman. Medical Futility: Commentary. Ethics and Perinatology,
ed. Amnon Goldworth, William Silverman, David K. Stevenson, Ernle
W.D. Young, and Rodney Rivers, pp.72- 77. New York: Oxford University
Press, 1995.
Munson, Ronald. Intervention and Reflection. U.S.: Wadsworth/Thomson
Learning, 2000.
National Health Insurance: www.israel.org/mfa/go.asp?MFAH00km0
and www.israel.org/mfa/go.asp?MFAH01vx0
Rhodes R, Miller C, Schwartz M. Transplant Recipient Selection:
Peacetime vs. Wartime Triage. Cambridge Quarterly of Healthcare
Ethics (1992), 4: 327-331.
Ron-El R, Raziel A, Strassburger D, Schachter M, Kasterstein E,
Friedler S. Outcome of assisted reproductive technology in women
over the age of 41. Fertility and Sterility (2000), 74: 471-475.
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